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For all the right reasons & for all the wrong causes, Russia loves one thing most – headlines!
Aghast at the atrocities by US forces invading the Philippines, and the rhetorical flights about liberation and noble intent that routinely accompany crimes of state, Mark Twain threw up his hands at his inability to wield his formidable weapon of satire. The immediate object of his frustration was the renowned Gen. Frederick Funston. “No satire of Funston could reach perfection,” Twain lamented, “because Funston occupies that summit himself ... (he is) satire incarnated.”
Twain’s conceit often comes to mind, again in recent weeks during the Russia-Georgia-Ossetia war. Bush, Rice and other dignitaries solemnly invoked the sanctity of UN, warning that Russia could be excluded from international institutions “by taking actions in Georgia that are inconsistent with” UN’s principles.
The sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations must be rigorously honoured, they intoned – “all nations” apart from those that the United States chooses to attack: Iraq, Serbia, perhaps Iran, and a long, familiar list of others. The junior partner joined in as well. British Foreign Secretary David Miliband accused Russia of engaging in “19th century forms of diplomacy” by invading a sovereign state, something Britain would never contemplate today. Such an act “is simply not the way that international relations can be run in the 21st century,” Miliband added, echoing the decider-in-chief, who said that invasion of “a sovereign neighbouring state ... is unacceptable in the 21st century.” The interplay of satire and real-life events becomes “even more enlightening,” Serge Halimi wrote in Le Monde diplomatique, “when, to defend his country’s borders, the charming pro-American (Mikheil) Saakashvili repatriates some of the 2,000 soldiers he had sent to invade Iraq,” one of the largest contingents apart from the two warrior states.
Prominent analysts joined the chorus. Fareed Zakaria applauded Bush’s observation that Russia’s behaviour is unacceptable today, unlike the 19th century, “when the Russian intervention would have been standard operating procedure for a great power.” We therefore must devise a strategy for bringing Russia “in line with the civilised world,” where intervention is unthinkable. The seven charter members of the Group of Eight industrialised countries issued a statement “condemning the action of our fellow-G8 member,” Russia, which has yet to comprehend the Anglo-American commitment to non-intervention. EU held a rare emergency meeting to condemn Russia’s crime, its first meeting since the invasion of Iraq, which elicited no condemnation.
Russia called for an emergency session of the UN Security Council, but no consensus was reached because, according to Council diplomats, the United States, Britain and some others rejected a phrase that called on both sides “to renounce the use of force.” The reactions recall Orwell’s observations on the “indifference to reality” of the nationalist, who “not only does not disapprove of atrocities committed by his own side, but ... has a remarkable capacity for not even hearing about them.”
The basic history is not seriously in dispute. South Ossetia and Abkhazia (with its ports on the Black Sea) were assigned by Stalin to his native Georgia. (Now Western leaders sternly admonish that Stalin’s directives must be respected.) The provinces enjoyed relative autonomy until the collapse of the USSR. In 1990, Georgia’s ultranationalist President Zviad Gamsakhurdia abolished autonomous regions and invaded South Ossetia. The bitter war that followed left 1,000 dead and tens of thousands of refugees. A small Russian force supervised a long, uneasy truce, broken on August 7, when Georgian President Saakashvili ordered his forces to invade. According to “an extensive set of witnesses,” The New York Times reports, Georgia’s military at once “began pounding civilian sections of the city of Tskhinvali, as well as a Russian peacekeeping base there, with heavy barrages of rocket and artillery fire.”
For more articles, Click on IIPM Article.
Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).
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For all the right reasons & for all the wrong causes, Russia loves one thing most – headlines!
Aghast at the atrocities by US forces invading the Philippines, and the rhetorical flights about liberation and noble intent that routinely accompany crimes of state, Mark Twain threw up his hands at his inability to wield his formidable weapon of satire. The immediate object of his frustration was the renowned Gen. Frederick Funston. “No satire of Funston could reach perfection,” Twain lamented, “because Funston occupies that summit himself ... (he is) satire incarnated.”Twain’s conceit often comes to mind, again in recent weeks during the Russia-Georgia-Ossetia war. Bush, Rice and other dignitaries solemnly invoked the sanctity of UN, warning that Russia could be excluded from international institutions “by taking actions in Georgia that are inconsistent with” UN’s principles.
The sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations must be rigorously honoured, they intoned – “all nations” apart from those that the United States chooses to attack: Iraq, Serbia, perhaps Iran, and a long, familiar list of others. The junior partner joined in as well. British Foreign Secretary David Miliband accused Russia of engaging in “19th century forms of diplomacy” by invading a sovereign state, something Britain would never contemplate today. Such an act “is simply not the way that international relations can be run in the 21st century,” Miliband added, echoing the decider-in-chief, who said that invasion of “a sovereign neighbouring state ... is unacceptable in the 21st century.” The interplay of satire and real-life events becomes “even more enlightening,” Serge Halimi wrote in Le Monde diplomatique, “when, to defend his country’s borders, the charming pro-American (Mikheil) Saakashvili repatriates some of the 2,000 soldiers he had sent to invade Iraq,” one of the largest contingents apart from the two warrior states.
Prominent analysts joined the chorus. Fareed Zakaria applauded Bush’s observation that Russia’s behaviour is unacceptable today, unlike the 19th century, “when the Russian intervention would have been standard operating procedure for a great power.” We therefore must devise a strategy for bringing Russia “in line with the civilised world,” where intervention is unthinkable. The seven charter members of the Group of Eight industrialised countries issued a statement “condemning the action of our fellow-G8 member,” Russia, which has yet to comprehend the Anglo-American commitment to non-intervention. EU held a rare emergency meeting to condemn Russia’s crime, its first meeting since the invasion of Iraq, which elicited no condemnation.
Russia called for an emergency session of the UN Security Council, but no consensus was reached because, according to Council diplomats, the United States, Britain and some others rejected a phrase that called on both sides “to renounce the use of force.” The reactions recall Orwell’s observations on the “indifference to reality” of the nationalist, who “not only does not disapprove of atrocities committed by his own side, but ... has a remarkable capacity for not even hearing about them.”
The basic history is not seriously in dispute. South Ossetia and Abkhazia (with its ports on the Black Sea) were assigned by Stalin to his native Georgia. (Now Western leaders sternly admonish that Stalin’s directives must be respected.) The provinces enjoyed relative autonomy until the collapse of the USSR. In 1990, Georgia’s ultranationalist President Zviad Gamsakhurdia abolished autonomous regions and invaded South Ossetia. The bitter war that followed left 1,000 dead and tens of thousands of refugees. A small Russian force supervised a long, uneasy truce, broken on August 7, when Georgian President Saakashvili ordered his forces to invade. According to “an extensive set of witnesses,” The New York Times reports, Georgia’s military at once “began pounding civilian sections of the city of Tskhinvali, as well as a Russian peacekeeping base there, with heavy barrages of rocket and artillery fire.”
For more articles, Click on IIPM Article.
Source : IIPM Editorial, 2008
An Initiative of IIPM, Malay Chaudhuri and Arindam Chaudhuri (Renowned Management Guru and Economist).
Read these article :-
B-schooled in India, Placed Abroad (Print Version)
IIPM in Financial times (Print Version)
IIPM makes business education truly global (Print Version)
The Indian Institute of Planning and Management (IIPM)
IIPM Campus
ZEE BUSINESS BEST B SCHOOL SURVEY
For More IIPM Info, Visit below mentioned IIPM articles.
1500-plus IIPM students placed across the country with 44 bagging international offers
IIPM set to beat economic slowdown
IIPM, GURGAON
IIPM - Admission Procedure
IIPM awards four Bengali novelists
The Hindu : Education Plus : Honour for IIPM
IIPM ranked No.1 B-School in India, Management News - By ...
IIPM Ranked No1 B-School in India
Moneycontrol >> News >> Press- News >> IIPM ranked No1 B-School in ...
» IIPM ranked No1 B-School in India :: Education, Careers ...
The Hindu Business Line : IIPM placements hit a high of over 2000 jobs
Deccan Herald - IIPM ranked as top B-School in India
India eNews - IIPM Ranked No1 B-School in India
IIPM Delhi - Indian Institute of Planning and Management New Delhi ...
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IIPM makes business education truly global-Education-The Times of ...
